Man v. State: The Eternal Balkan War
- UCL Law for All Society
- Oct 24
- 5 min read
By Velimira Ekova
A rampant plague has spread across the Balkans. Serbia, Albania, Bosnia all lay sick, dying. They have been poisoned from within. Bulgaria rests unmoving, silenced by illness, across the hospital ward.
The cause? Corruption.
Bulgaria is no stranger to allegations of corruption. Eight parliamentary elections in the span of four years are rarely a sign of stability, nor do they hint at a healthy democracy.
Varna, Bulgaria’s biggest seaport, rests to the northeast of the country. It is the third largest city and holds significant political, economic and cultural value. With an ever-growing tourism industry, Varna is annually flooded with more and more foreign money. Summer in Varna is an occasion to be envied. The evening of 8 July 2025 suggested no irregularities.
Yet, across the city, Blagomir Kotsev, 50th Mayor of Varna, is arrested and detained following a raid orchestrated by the Bulgarian Commission for Anti-Corruption (CAC). He has been in power for a little over two years.
Is Kotsev guilty?
Only time will tell.
But the evidence, or rather lack thereof, and the circumstances, surrounding the allegations put forward, bring few convincing points to the table. Most Bulgarians seem to think Kotsev is a victim. To them, his fate represents the consequences of the silent, oppressive force which is the modern Bulgarian government. The eleven protests since the arrest, in Varna alone, show Kotsev has clearly won the hearts of the people. They endearingly call him Blago, the first honest mayor of Varna in 30 years. He has not, however, won the hearts of the judges presiding over his case.
A family man, he faces accusations of heading a criminal operation poised to extort local companies securing public contracts. Initially detained for twenty-four hours, then seventy-two, Kotsev has remained in state custody since July. He has not seen his family in over three months. Nor is he to see them until his trial. This restriction follows four judicial panels, all concluding the same and relying on Article 63 of the Bulgarian Criminal Procedural Code, stating that to release Kotsev would be a threat to democracy. Obstruction of evidence, bribery and coercion are just a few of the buzzwords used to conjure up the legal grounds for this continued detention.
The charges are clearly heavy. And Kotsev is unlucky. The Bulgarian courts are unlikely to side with him. They have caught the abovementioned illness, and they are refusing to take their constitutional medicine. Why? They are guilty of the defendant’s very own, alleged crime.
The detention of Kotsev is a view into the illegal conduct regularly undertaken by Sofia City Prosecution Office, particularly its use of the procedural code to suppress political opposition. Whilst their actions are not directly representative of systemic corruption, an analysis of its motives and the political climate suggest point in this direction.
Kotsev’s party, We Continue the Change, is the current opposition party in Bulgaria. Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria, otherwise known as ‘GERB’, the current ruling party, has been in and out of power since 2009. The Prosecution Office answers only to the Supreme Judicial Council, a politically independent body. However, the CAC lies under direct control of Parliament, and therefore GERB, and the Prosecution Office is likely highly influenced by GERB and oligarchs working throughout the system. Backed by GERB’s desire to stay in power following several years of an unpredictable political climate, both institutions are unreliable sources of authority in Bulgaria. The European Commissions Rule of Law reports have criticised the structure of this judicial system for years, with specific focus on the challenges to accountability and transparency manifesting from the system’s clear quasi-monopoly status. These organisations are clearly interlinked. One feeds into the other, sustaining the vicious cycle of corruption.
To prove this, an examination of the charges against Kotsev must be conducted. He is charged with attempting to bribe Plamenka Dimitrova, owner of a local catering company, into accepting a contract supplying meals to schools. This would allow Kotsev to extort 15% of the contract, a value rounding to 1.5 million Lev (~€760k). The claims have been loosely explored and barely mentioned in recent news reports covering the situation. The credibility of her Dimitrova’s statements can only be loosely trusted, for Kotsev is being targeted by GERB. The party itself fell under fire for corruption, seeing former leader, Boyko Borisov, detained for a short period of time before he was eventually being released with no extended mention of the charges or case proceedings. With over half of all votes in the 2024 election falling to ‘We Continue the Change’ it appears GERB is attempting to scare the opposition into submission.
Alongside this, allegations of coercion by the CAC have sparked outrage throughout the country. Key witnesses and former deputy mayor of Varna, Dian Ivanov, attempted to retract his testimony on the grounds he was pressured, by the CAC. His request for the rescindment of his testimony, submitted on 16 July 2025, was ignored by the prosecution. His original claim was that Kotsev had committed all alleged crimes, that he had been forced out of power due to his attempt to interfere and his clear retaliation against Kotsev’s crimes. The two were previously seen as a political duo, very loyal to each other and closer than most can be in such a volatile political climate. However, following Ivanov’s abrupt, health-related resignation on 5 May 2025 the two were separated. Still, Ivanov maintains he was forced into giving his testimony. The courts refuse to acknowledge this and are calling for his retraction to be viewed as a sign of Kotsev’s influence over witness statements. This is one of few supportive claims, no matter how shaky, for detaining the mayor without a trial under Article 63.
The CAC named three others, two men from his own party, We Continue the Change, and an independent businessman, as accomplices. Little more has come out about these charges, nor are the men in the limelight. It can be assumed they are held as political prisoners, much like Kotsev.
This vulgar imprisonment and rebuttal of witness claims sheds light onto the political atmosphere. There is a clear ‘in-group’. Once you are out, you are out forever. Ivanov has ensured his political career in Bulgaria is short lived. Still, if history is kind, he will be hailed a hero for his refusal to bow down to clear forces of political suppression. The three others, forgotten and widely unmentioned, have played their part in fighting corruption.
Will their suffering make a difference?
The response of the EU will surely make a difference?
Bulgaria has ignored previous warnings from activist groups and parties alike. There is no guarantee a change will come.
The EU has largely ignored calls of both internal and external groups to condemn the actions of the Bulgarian administration. Only the Renew Europe Political party has remained vocal on the situation. Fully condemning the unlawful arrest, Valerie Hayer, a member of Renew Europe, recently spoke against GERB and its oppressive techniques in detaining the opposition. Speaking of ‘corruption and political persecution’, Hayer refused to turn a blind eye to the arrest. Most recently, the party has established a working group to examine whether the Bulgarian government has acted against the law in its treatment against Blagomir Kotsev.
So, many seem to be against GERB, the government and the courts. Yet the EU fails to condemn them and, with the historical context in mind, even if there was external interference nothing will change. Bulgaria must reform its political system alone. It must reform its legal system. The 36% turnout of the voters in the 2024 elections maintain the people have essentially given up. Only such reform can save Kotsev.
Bulgaria is entrenched in oligarchy. It cannot shake the communist skeletons in its very wide, overflowing closet. With reports coming in daily, this situation must be resolved legally. The only way this can happen is internally. Kotsev may be guilty of corruption but so are his peers.
A revamp of the current system is necessary. Hopefully, Kotsev’s successors are luckier than him and political freedom is introduced, not restored, to Bulgaria.
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